Via D’Amelio: a rigged match against the truth between lies and misdirections


Flat caps and togas. TNT and uniforms. Fake beards and hangman. A long game of chess against the truth. Twenty-nine years after the hell of via D’Amelio, many of the 1992 questions remain intact, despite 14 trials and the conviction of the elite of Cosa Nostra.

Because in this long period of time, that “theft of truth”, as the president of the Sicilian regional anti-mafia commission calls it, Claudio Fava, took place, inside and outside the courtrooms, made possible by the permanent misdirection that precedes and follows the massacre in which Paolo Borsellino and the five escort agents died. A misdirection that is still “current”, warns the deputy attorney general of Palermo, Roberto Scarpinato.

The lie of lies revolves around the false repentant Vincenzo Scarantino, primed by the massacres group led by the former head of the Mobile and police commissioner of Palermo, Arnaldo La Barbera who made him the “dressed baby” to quickly close, already in 1994, the chapter on the death of the deputy prosecutor of Palermo, which occurred 57 days after the massacre of Capaci and the end reserved for Giovanni Falcone, his wife and the three escort agents.

But the deception has protagonists, not all known, and supporting actors, silent and acquiescent in perpetuating the deception: the attorney of Caltanissetta of the time, Giovanni Tinebra, who died like La Barbera, but also the swarm of additions and substitutes who they overlooked that scam of justice that did not stop with the unveiling of the deception. Embodied in the illiterate underworld of Guadagna, fed to the judges as the author of the theft of the 126 used for the massacre. And then denied on the merits of the theft and the imaginative reconstructions on the organization of the attack by Gaspare Spatuzza, but only in 2008.

The most up-to-date photograph of what this match-fixing was provided in recent days by the Sicilian regional anti-mafia commission with a report, the second after that of 19 December 2018, which already contained a significant summary of the missed opportunities both to avoid the massacre and to then discover the real perpetrators.

Let’s start with the provisional end. Just as we are struggling to understand who, together with Cosa Nostra, has imprinted the urgency of killing Borsellino on that 19 July 1992 to the massacre plan approved in 1991 by Riina and associates, the ex-Catania justice collaborator Maurizio Avola is placed at the center of the scene of the ambush and with a belated revelation he says he is sure that there was no one else behind the mafia. Comfortable, reassuring and useful. But also incredible. To the point that, as Scarpinato hypothesized, the motive for Avola’s words could be twofold: to sidetrack again and cancel the effect of his previous statements on the bomb squads of the Capaci attack who seemed to be able to give an input for interesting insights on that side.

The question remains as to who primed him. Yet another shadow that swells the ranks of ghosts that crowd this story without investigation.

Moreover, there have never been any problems regarding the failure to prepare an adequate security system in via D’Amelio that would have avoided the massacre. No expert personnel on Borsellino’s movements, no preventive remediation in search of suspicious cars in the perimeter of the massacre, no use of electronic devices for detecting explosives. And this despite the fact that the magistrate was credited as the next target even in bar chatter, as well as in a note from the secret services and there were precise threats arrived in the prosecutor’s office of which he was kept in the dark.

No investigation even on Pietro Giammanco, the chief prosecutor of Palermo who only on the morning of July 19 with a strange Sunday phone call at dawn granted a stunned Borsellino the coveted delegation to deal with the anti-mafia investigations on Palermo.

Giammanco was never heard in Caltanissetta.

Nor was Tinebra ever asked why he had delegated investigations into the massacres to the Sisde, entrusting them to Bruno Contrada, even though he knew he was called into question by the repentant Gaspare Mutolo as colluding with the mafia. An accusation that Borsellino himself had picked up after he managed to snatch Giammanco the go-ahead for interrogation.

The heirs of the old Sisde, today Aisi, have no desire to answer for then. The fact is that men of the Sisde found themselves dealing with the Borsellino massacre together with La Barbera who was in turn paid by the Sisde and who was chasing a 126 long before the engine block with the serial numbers was found.

Nothing is known about Borsellino’s red diary, who disappeared from the scene of the massacre while the victim’s car was still smoking. He disappeared into the hands of those men in suits and ties who had plunged into the red-hot metal from who knows where and had been spotted with certainty by at least two of the policemen who intervened.

One of these showed a badge: he was a service man. But the Sisde officially intervened in via D’Amelio at least five hours after the attack.

The rest of Borsellino’s bag ended up on the sofa in La Barbera alla Mobile’s room to be found and checked many months later. A useless act, since what was precious in it had already disappeared.

The Barbera, moreover, had Scarantino already ready, a penitent built in the laboratory, already tried to mislead the crime of the policeman Nino Agostino and presented in a photo to his father in an attempt to make him recognize him as the perpetrator of the crime already in 1989.

The picciotto della Guadagna reappears as an instrument in the hands of La Barbera after via D’Amelio. He is joined by a provocative inmate, then they take him to the Pianosa concentration camp and there, after an avalanche of investigative meetings, all authorized among a thousand I don’t remember by the magistrates of the time, he repents only to retract. The comparisons that deny him with collaborators of a very different weight that will never be produced in the trial are useless until the defense of some of the accused forces the prosecution to exhibit them. Not even the declarations of Giovanni Brusca, who labeled Scarantino as unreliable long before Spatuzza, are worthless. And not even the non-verbalized notice of Spatuzza himself who, already in 1998, to the DNA says that the other is lying shamelessly. We will have to wait for the official reports of Spatuzza to start the process that will lead to the release, after 18 years, of the 11 unjustly accused by Scarantino.

Still dark also on the motive. By embracing the convenient thesis that always accompanies mafia crimes, revenge is evoked. With a twist of the head back you look at what the victim had done and not at what he could do. And Borsellino promised two things: to find out everything about Falcone’s end, but Caltanissetta never listened to him, and to take back the mafia and tenders dossier, an investigation by the Ros, weakened by Giammanco. There there were investigative ideas that led to the North, to the entrepreneurial giants dirty and a lot with the Sicilian mafia. By drawing heavily on the huge liquidity of the picciotti, allowing it that financialization of a mafia on the stock exchange evoked by Falcone before being killed.

And above all there are them: the Graviano, Giuseppe and Filippo, the brothers who dose with strategies different from 41 bis, words and messages in code, hoping one day to be free again. Remained in the shadows, they too were condemned for the massacres as heads of the Brancaccio district. But at the time of the first investigations on via D’Amelio, everything seemed to want to relegate them to the background, sheltered from any involvement. La Guadagna di Scarantino led away from them and their economic interests. Which still lead back to the North, starting with a collection among mafia members started by his father to finance the entrepreneurial rise of what would have been the empire of Silvio Berlusconi.

Enough to say that what we still don’t know is a sufficient mortgage to keep the survivors of that season in check.


Source: L'Espresso – News, inchieste e approfondimenti Espresso by espresso.repubblica.it.

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