As long as we have to say yes to the intention, in short to the method, the pact proposed by Enrico Letta to secure the budget law finds everyone in agreement. Matteo Salvini says yes and Silvio Berlusconi is also in favor of the idea of sitting around a table, together with Mario Draghi, to collaborate and avoid turning the parliamentary passage of the maneuver into a brawl. On the other hand, no one can risk becoming the spoilsport of a measure that is preparing to give thirty billion to the country. Had it been a traditional budget, the tug-of-war would have been taken into account, but now that the pandemic has returned to generate concern, the backlash of thinking more about stealing the treasure from the other than about economic aid and the third dose can become heavy . The will to try to renounce the flags is there, but how fragile this predisposition is is shown by the amendments that the parties are preparing. They are self-referential, they do not look at mediation and therefore at compromise.
If the secretary of the Democratic Party has come to the point of invoking “an assumption of responsibility” by all the leaders of the majority, it is because the maneuver has given dimension to a certain fraying. The discussions on pensions and citizenship income, which accompanied the first phase of gestation, have already shown how difficult and inconvenient it is to make the country’s interest prevail over the search for consent. The Northern League and the Grillini know this well, having had to digest the stop at 100 and a normalization of the subsidy. The circle has closed, also because the premier has been able to find a mediation capable of satisfying everyone, but not entirely.
The decision of Palazzo Chigi to entrust Parliament with the choice of the destination of the eight billion for the tax cut will be the first test for the majority. From Tuesday, when the maneuver begins its parliamentary journey in the Senate, it will be understood whether the majority parties will have the desire and ability to substantiate the truce. There is a precedent and it is the final document of the fact-finding investigation on the tax authorities of the Finance Committees of the Chamber and Senate. It was the basis for the government-approved fiscal delegation, but that agreement needs to be reconstituted. In the meantime, in fact, the divisions have reappeared. And so while the Democratic Party looks at workers’ paychecks and, secondly, at small businesses, the 5 stars plan to allocate the eight billion to the self-employed and to cut the wedge that also benefits businesses and not just workers. The League proposes the extension of the flat tax to 15% for VAT numbers (from 65 thousand to 100 thousand euros), but also an important cut to the Irap. The list continues with the preferences of the other parties and highlights a great confusion.
Then there is the treasury of about 500 million. It is money that the government actually makes available to the parties to fix the maneuver. There are few and the risk is that they end up financing festivals or castles, as happens every year. This time the risk is potentially lower because the budget is small and the times are very short, but above all this money could be used, in part or all, for more important measures, which otherwise would remain uncovered. Here too we will measure the unity of purpose that today everyone says they are ready to marry. Certainly the extension of the flat tax, according to the calculations made by the League, would cost 110 million next year (1.1 billion in 2023 and 860 million the year after) and therefore could be done by drawing on the treasury or reducing the expenses of others. rumors, but in this way we return to the starting point and that is to put the flags back in the middle.
How do you get out of this short circuit? The “result shared by all” that Letta mentions is difficult to achieve, unless the parties decide to play to the bottom. Excluding the choice of eight billion for taxes, already complex in itself, everything else would be kept out of the discussion. With the paradox of the parties that complain about the late arrival of the maneuver in the Chambers and who, however, renounce the centrality of Parliament in order not to hurt each other. The boundary between common sense and resignation is blurred.
In a couple of weeks, when the deadlines for submitting amendments to the Budget Committee should expire, the game will be done. The road is long. Just look at another divisive issue: the scrapping of tax records. The League is pushing for a scrapping quater, a new edition to pull in the folders of 2018 and 2019. The proposal is being defined and, according to what it learns Huffpost from qualified party sources, currently contemplates three hypotheses: the first is a scrapping quater dry, which would have the advantage of being cheap, while the second, in addition to scrapping, provides for a reopening of the terms for those who have not adhered to the previous scrapping and now intends to do so. The third hypothesis adds to the scrapping of the 2018 and 2019 folders also the readmission under the terms of the taxpayers who adhered to previous editions, but who were unable to pay, especially due to Covid: it does not open to those who have chosen not to adhere, but to those who have lapsed from previous scrapping, by extending the terms and methods of the measures provided for by the tax decree. The 5 stars will present an amendment to ask for a scrapping quater too, again for 2018 and 2019. The Democratic Party, on the other hand, slows down and thinks only of an adjustment of the deadlines for the files notified between September and December.
Even further away from the hypothesis of a scrapping quater are the Renzians. Luigi Marattin says: “Italia Viva wants the overall reform of the collection, as highlighted in the resolution that the Finance Committees of the Chamber and Senate approved a couple of months ago, and which ideally constitute the completion of the document of 30 June. There he does not always chase the last extension, but an overall reform is built that goes from the warehouse to the bad debt, to the interest payable to the rationalization of the installments. Structural reforms are needed, not spot reforms ”. And LeU is also against: “Those identified with the tax decree – says Undersecretary Cecilia Guerra – are sufficient and balanced measures. We are against amnesties: if we have to spend millions or billions we prefer to allocate them to aid for workers and companies that have encountered difficulties due to Covid “. The road to the Pact is more than a twisted one.
Source: Huffington Post Italy Athena2 by www.huffingtonpost.it.
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