Pakistan’s most popular English-language daily Dawn, published from Karachi on the first day of March 1971, wrote: ‘The Awami League chief has said that the six-point program is not just for the people of Bangladesh. We want the rights and autonomy for the people of Bangladesh, we want the people of Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sindh and Balochistan to enjoy it. He emphasized that the six points were no longer his own property and that the people owned them, and that he had no right to amend the six points in any way.
Asked whether a ‘dictatorship of the majority’ was going to be created, Sheikh Mujib said, “Those who are raising this false issue are actually trying to establish a ‘dictatorship of the minority’.” Clearly, Sheikh Mujib was the first to say in Bhutto’s remarks that these words are not only offensive, they are creating doubts about the future. He said he did not know what the consequences would be if 160 members of his party, like Mr Bhutto’s 63, refused to attend the National Assembly session.
He said that since the announcement of the election results, there has been a conspiracy to sabotage the election. He warned that if the democratic process was hampered, he would not be responsible for its consequences. The Awami League chief further said that those involved in the ongoing conspiracy to hand over power to the people and those who are creating obstacles will be responsible for the consequences.
“We will die but we will not surrender,” he insisted.
Dawn quoted him as saying, “Joy Bangla is not a political slogan Ñ it is a slogan of autonomy, a slogan of economic and political independence of Bangladesh.” It is a slogan of survival and cultural freedom.
Mujib’s news is the top news of Dawn that day. At noon on the same day, President General Yahya Khan informed the nation that Pakistan was in the deepest political crisis in its history, so he felt obliged to inform the people. The stalemate created by the political leadership has led some other parties, including the Pakistan People’s Party, the main party in West Pakistan, to boycott the March 3rd National Assembly session in Dhaka, further complicating the situation in India. In this situation, I have decided to postpone the March 3 session and convene it at a later date.
Dhaka was in such a state, after hearing this announcement, the fire started burning.
Vice Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan, the military governor of East Pakistan, did not take office on the first day of March. In the days of the mass uprising of 1969, President Yahya’s Finance Minister SM Ahsan was sent as the Governor of East Pakistan. At that time, the arrogant behavior of Major General Muzaffar Uddin, the Regional Martial Law Administrator of East Pakistan, caused great dissatisfaction. Bengali political leaders, especially the Awami League chief, gained the confidence of the former Chief of Naval Staff and demanded the allocation of population-friendly resources for East Pakistan and even took the initiative to seek foreign aid for East Pakistan separately. Chief of Army Staff General Abdul Hamid and Chief of Air Staff Air Marshal Nur Khan were furious and their dispute came up for public discussion. At a meeting of army officials in the presence of President Yahya in Rawalpindi on 22 February 1971, he opposed the purposeful deployment of troops in East Pakistan and made it clear that a military solution to the political crisis would fail. He also proposed a formula known as the Ahsan Formula to establish justice for the East. His love for East Pakistan and his efforts to justify the province alienated him from Pakistan’s exploitative mainstream political philosophy. He decided to resign as he would not allow the establishment of rule in West Pakistan while in office and appealed for his resignation to take effect from March 8.
Ignoring the issue of his resignation letter, his governorship was withdrawn from Islamabad on the afternoon of March 1.
A circular issued by the Cabinet Department of the Central Government on March 7 states: Satisfied with the President and the Chief Martial Law Administrator, Lieutenant General Tikka Khan, Sitara-e-Pakistan, according to the text of the Martial Law and Interim Constitutional Order issued on March 25, 1969. Appointed. At the same time, another circular stated that the term of office given to Vice Admiral SM Ahsan, Governor of East Pakistan, expired on 1 March 1971.
In fact, on March 1, the regional martial law administrators in East and West Pakistan were given the simultaneous governorship. On March 4, Bengali-friendly Governor SM Ahsan left East Pakistan from Tejgaon airport for good, saying that the military would defeat Pakistan.
Lieutenant General Shahebzada Yaqub Khan became the Governor of East Pakistan by that order and wrote to the President assuming that he had a good understanding of the political realities of the East, asking the President to come and negotiate a stalemate within a week or he would resign. Outraged President Lieutenant General Tikka Khan was appointed Governor of East Pakistan. When Tikka Khan landed at Tejgaon Airport on the afternoon of March 7, a different history of Bengal was being written at the Ramna Racecourse. In a few days, news has come out in foreign newspapers that ‘Mujib has taken over East Bengal’ – Mujib has taken over the power of East Bengal. Justice BA Siddiqui could not hold the position even though he refused to administer the oath to Tikka Khan. Tikka Khan was sworn in as the Governor on April 9 in a lavish ceremony.
Tikka came to East Pakistan with the title of butcher of Balochistan, added the title of butcher of Bangladesh, resigned on 31 August 1971 and returned to West Pakistan. Become army chief, be a minister, be an adviser, be a newspaper headline in death. After the departure of Tikka Khan, Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, the head of the Eastern Command, finally surrendered and returned to Pakistan from the prisoner of war with the grief of defeat. Surviving is their cunning accomplice Rao Farman Ali Khan.
Within two days of the March 25 army attack, a foreign newspaper headlined: ‘Pakistan has been torn in two.’
March 25, 1971 is the second anniversary of General Yahya Khan’s ascension to power. Yahya did not expel his predecessor Field Marshal Ayub Khan from the President’s House at gunpoint or put him on an overseas plane (which Ayub Khan himself did in the case of Iskander Mirza). The situation rang Ayub’s farewell bell. Even when Job called Yahya to take power, he was in a dilemma with a bottle. He did not want to see his predecessor again. Yahya entered the palace only when Job left the palace forever. Ayub Khan left a directional letter for ‘Dear General Yahya’: ‘I am deeply saddened to conclude that all civil administration and constitutional authority in the country have lost their effectiveness. If the situation continues to deteriorate at the current alarming pace, it will become impossible to lead a civilized life.
I have no choice but to relinquish power and return it to the defense forces. At present, the Defense Forces is the only effective and law-abiding institution to take full authority of the country. God willing, they have the power to change the situation and save the country from complete chaos and destruction. Only they can bring health to the country and bring the country back to the path of progress in civil and constitutional way. (From Raj Bhavan to Bangabhaban 2006 by Abu Jafar)
Yahya ordered a military solution before fleeing Dhaka on March 25. His successor Ayub Khan has managed the military intervention for ‘civilian and constitutional’ rule. With the exception of a handful of people like SM Ahsan or Sahebzada Yaqub, West Pakistan’s ‘Civil Military Politico Oligarchy’ has supported a military solution and rejoiced at the killings and destruction. The fate of Pakistan has already been announced. In the first week of March, Dan Cogin of Time wrote: ‘Sheikh Mujibur Rahman told me that Pakistan was over. Faisal has no hope with them.
The distant newspaper Canara wrote ‘The Edge’, Pakistan will be completely broken but first of all it is necessary to stop the killing of the army.
West Pakistani leader Asghar Khan also said that if East Pakistan became separate, the rest of Pakistan would break up and become Khan Khan.
At midnight on March 25, 1971, the guava Pakistan of Jinnah’s dream was buried under the blood of the protesting people in this Dhaka city.
Dr. MA Momen: Former government employee, non-fiction and columnist.
Source: Bhorer Kagoj by www.bhorerkagoj.com.
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